(August 19, 2014)
Radio Utopie dokumentiert dieses in jeder Hinsicht verheerende historische ErmÀchtigungsgesetz im Wortlaut.
(August 19, 2014)
Radio Utopie dokumentiert dieses in jeder Hinsicht verheerende historische ErmÀchtigungsgesetz im Wortlaut.
Despite public pressure, Bush vetoed a version of the Intelligence Authorization Act in March 2008 that would have required CIA interrogators to adhere to Army Field Manual regulations. As soon as Barack Obama became president, he issued an executive order rescinding the free hand for the CIA director on interrogations that Bush had reaffirmed in a July 2007 order. Obamaâs directive removed the CIAâs detention power and required the agency to follow Army Field Manual rules.
Yet five and a half years went by before President Obama acknowledged, in his notable words, âWe tortured some folks.â He told a news conference: âWhen we engaged in some of these enhanced interrogation techniques, techniques that I believe and I think any fair-minded person would believe were torture, we crossed a line.â
The acknowledgement came four months before the long-awaited release of a report in December 2014 by the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence. While heavily redacted, it was a political indictment of torture. âCIA personnel, aided by two outside contractors, decided to initiate a program of indefinite secret detention and the use of brutal interrogation techniques in violation of US law, treaty obligations, and our values,â wrote the committeeâs chair, Senator Dianne Feinstein. …
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
(19. November 1997)
âWe could blow up a US warship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba,â the memorandum said.
âWe could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington,â it continued. âThe terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).â
The records show that on March 13, 1962, the Joint Chiefs of Staff endorsed these ideas as âsuitable for planning purposes.â No evidence exists that they were carried out.
(May 27, 2026)
Yet proposals that skirt the edges of international law didnât come out of nowhere. The U.S. under George W. Bush created legal mechanisms following the September 11th attacks to torture hundreds of people in CIA black sites and then at Guantanamo Bay. The Obama administrationâs targeted drone strikes were assassinations by another name. The Biden administration further eroded international norms and subverted its own policies by financing Israelâs genocide in Gaza, in violation of the Leahy Law, which prohibits foreign military assistance to nations that violate human rights.
âSeems like Miller is sort of taking what he was already willing to do during the first term and then combining that with what Israel has been doing in the way it has just been completely ignoring any kind of international law, Geneva Conventions, any of it in its conduct in Gaza and Lebanon, to then influence U.S. foreign policy,â Annelle Sheline, a research fellow in the Middle East program at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, said in an interview.
In other words, Miller and the Trump administration have been able to steamroll what was left of international law; they just had to figure out how to do it.
A future Democratic-controlled Congress should take up the job that Obama and the partyâs old guard abandoned: put strict limits on the use of drones that wonât simply be alternately loosened and tightened by whichever president comes to power, explicitly outlawing âtargeted killingâ and any other attempt at finding a loophole for the already existing ban on assassinations; finally repeal the 2001 Authorization of the Use of Military Force that has been serially abused by presidents to fight often secret wars all over the world; end mass surveillance, whether in the form of the National Security Agencyâs warrantless backdoor searches that Democrats actually expanded under Joe Biden, or in the warrantless spying that the Department of Homeland Security and other agencies now do through private data brokers; close the Guantanamo Bay prison camp that Trump is now trying to send migrants to; and embark on a twenty-first-century version of the Church Committee to investigate and lay bare national security abuses.
The Suffragettes, despite being force-fed and labelled as terrorists, are today celebrated as heroes and freedom fighters. The Long Kesh prisoners, despite the smears they faced, are now seen as a vital part of the peace achieved under the Good Friday Agreement. The GuantĂĄnamo Bay prisoners, despite their inhumane treatment and public consent for torture, remained untried and were largely released without conviction.
Just as they were all vindicated, history will too vindicate the Palestine Action prisoners who sought to stop the slaughter of innocent people, against the wishes and interests of the British government.
(…)
Signatories:
Shadi Zayed Saleh Odeh, Palestine
Mahmoud Radwan, Palestine
Othman Bilal, Palestine
Mahmoud Sidqi Suleiman Radwan, Palestine
Loay Odeh, Palestine
Tommy McKearney, Ireland
Laurence McKeown, Ireland
Tom McFeely, Ireland
John Nixon, Ireland
Mansoor Adayfi (GTMO441), Guantanamo
Lakhdar Boumediene, Guantanamo
Samir Naji Moqbel, Guantanamo
Moath Al-Alwi, Guantanamo
Khalid Qassim, Guantanamo
Ahmed Rabbani, Guantanamo
Sharqawi Al-Hajj, Guantanamo
Saeed Sarim, Guantanamo
Mahmoud Al Mujahid, Guantanamo
Hussein Al-Marfadi, Guantanamo
Osama Abu Kabir, Guantanamo
Abdul Halim Siddiqui, Guantanamo
Ahmed Adnan Ahjam, Guantanamo
Abdel Malik Al Rahabi, Guantanamo
Ahmed Elrashidi, Guantanamo
(November 8, 2025)
As Bush‘s vice president, Cheney became a key architect of the US „war on terror“, which included the 2002 invasion of Afghanistan, the 2003 war on Iraq, and sweeping intelligence, surveillance and torture programmes.
Most notoriously, Cheney helped the Bush administration construct an elaborate double lie as a pretext for the invasion of Iraq.
(…)
Cheney‘s true legacy, then, lies not only in the „war on terror“ he helped engineer, but in the political and moral infrastructure he left behind.
More than two decades later, his post-9/11 world order – defined by endless wars, government overreach and impunity – endures, and today‘s war criminals, following in his path, roam free.
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
(19. November 1997)
âWe could blow up a US warship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba,â the memorandum said.
âWe could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington,â it continued. âThe terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).â
The records show that on March 13, 1962, the Joint Chiefs of Staff endorsed these ideas as âsuitable for planning purposes.â No evidence exists that they were carried out.
(12. September 2014)
Bereits vor Jahrzehnten entwickelte das MilitĂ€r der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika den Plan ein eigenes ziviles Passagierflugzeug in der Luft gegen eine unbemannte âDroneâ auszutauschen, um diese dann selbst zur Explosion zu bringen und einen Abschuss vorzutĂ€uschen. Ebenso wurde der Plan einer âTerrorkampagneâ in der eigenen Hauptstadt Washington, sowie die Versenkung eines US-Kriegsschiffes autorisiert. Ziel war es, diese VorfĂ€lle einer feindlichen Macht zu unterstellen, vor der Weltöffentlichkeit das Opfer zu spielen und nachfolgend eine Invasion starten zu können.
Jahr der Entwicklung des Plans: 1962. Zielobjekt: Kuba.
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
(19. November 1997)
âWe could blow up a US warship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba,â the memorandum said.
âWe could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington,â it continued. âThe terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).â
The records show that on March 13, 1962, the Joint Chiefs of Staff endorsed these ideas as âsuitable for planning purposes.â No evidence exists that they were carried out.
Der 11. September lieferte den USA den Vorwand, geopolitische Interessen unter dem Deckmantel der Terrorabwehr zu verfolgen. Der »War on Terror« fĂŒhrte zu einer gefĂ€hrlichen Erosion des Völkerrechts, die unsere Welt heute prĂ€gt.
(August 29, 2025)
He called the prison today and reminded them of their duty of care and demanded an independent medical assessment, warning that her health is at serious risk.
Take action now:
âïž Email the prison today and demand T is transferred to a hospital for independent health monitoring: RALPH.LUBKOWSKI(at)sodexogov.co.uk
Call the prison: 01733 217500 and insist she is taken to a hospital, not left in the prison medical wing.
Comment âtemplateâ to receive our email draft and call for her urgent transfer.
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An in-depth look at the torture practices of the United States in Afghanistan, Iraq and Guantanamo Bay
Yes, the U.S. government is using tattoos, sometimes nothing more than a name, a date, or even a tribute to a favorite athlete, as justification to label migrants as âgang-affiliatedâ and ship them off to GuantĂĄnamo Bay.
Take Luis Castillo, a 23-year-old Venezuelan asylum-seeker, who was detained at the border and later sent to GuantĂĄnamo simply because he had a Michael Jordan tattoo.
Let that sink in.
(February 7, 2025)
Dear Secretary Noem, Secretary Hegseth, and Secretary Rubio:
We write on behalf of the undersigned immigrants‘ rights and civil rights organizations to request immediate access to the noncitizens transferred from immigration detention facilities in the United States and currently detained at the U.S. Naval Base at GuantĂĄnamo Bay, Cuba.
Since February 4, 2025, the government has transferred nearly two dozen noncitizens to GuantĂĄnamo, without providing any information about their circumstances or the governmentâs legal authority for these unprecedented actions. The government has also announced that it is planning to send tens of thousands of additional immigration detainees to GuantĂĄnamo in the near future.
The Constitution, and federal and international law prohibit the government from using GuantĂĄnamo as a legal black hole. We therefore request that the government provide our organizations access to the noncitizens detained at GuantĂĄnamo so that those individuals will have access to legal counsel, and so advocates and the public can understand the conditions
under which the government is detaining them. We also request basic information that the public has a right to know regarding the noncitizens being sent to GuantĂĄnamo and the governmentâs plans for them.
(…)
Sincerely,
American Civil Liberties Union
Americans for Immigrant Justice
Amica Center
American Gateways
Center for Constitutional Rights
Haitian Bridge Alliance
Human Rights First
International Refugee Assistance Project
Las Americas Immigrant Advocacy Center
Lawyersâ Committee for Civil Rights of the SF Bay Area
National Immigrant Justice Center
National Immigration Law Center
Refugee and Immigrant Center for Education and Legal Services
Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights
Texas Civil Rights Project
(February 9, 2025)
Fears are growing that the offshore U.S. detention facilities at GuantĂĄnamo Bay, Cuba, are an ominous sign of what President Donald Trump has in store as he further disregards the rule of law and normalizes actions that previously would have been unthinkable or faces immediate, bipartisan opposition in Congress.
After the first pictures emerged Saturday of still unidentified persons transferred to the island from the U.S. mainland by immigration officials, progressive journalist Nathan Robinson was among those raising the alarm, accusing Trump of „building a concentration camp and deliberately putting it where it is hardest to monitor or enforce the law.“
(February 8, 2025)
On Friday a military cargo plane transported deportees from El Paso, Texas, to GuantĂĄnamo Bay, Cuba. They are among the latest arrivals in the Trump administrationâs week-old migrant relocation operation.
Kristi Noem, the secretary of homeland security, is the first senior member of the Trump administration to visit the migrant mission on the base.
So far, none of the first arrivals have been taken to an emerging tent city that has been set up for migrants. Instead, they have been housed in the military prison.
âToday, Iâm also signing an executive order to instruct the Departments of Defense and Homeland Security to begin preparing the 30,000-person migrant facility at Guantanamo Bay,â Trump said from the White House.
âMost people donât even know about it. We have 30,000 beds in Guantanamo to detain the worst criminal illegal aliens threatening the American people. This will double our capacity immediately.â
âSome of them are so bad that we donât even trust the countries to hold them because we donât want them coming back, so weâre gonna send âem out to Guantanamo,â Trump said. He said that he would soon sign an executive order directing federal officials to get facilities in Cuba ready to receive migrant criminals.
The choice of Mr. Hegseth was outside the norm of the traditional defense secretary. But he was a dedicated supporter of Mr. Trump during his first term, defending his interactions with the North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, embracing his âAmerica Firstâ agenda of trying to withdraw U.S. troops from abroad and energetically taking up the cause of combat veterans accused of war crimes.
(…)
He served in the Army in Afghanistan and Iraq and at GuantĂĄnamo Bay, Cuba.
A Minnesota native, Mr. Hegseth graduated from Princeton University, where he was the publisher of The Princeton Tory, a conservative magazine, for which he wrote about seeing the statue of Saddam Hussein toppled in Baghdad in 2003.
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
(29. August 2014)
Seit Beginn des weltweiten Terrorkrieges in 2001 herrschten in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zwei Personen als KriegsprĂ€sidenten und âmĂ€chtigste MĂ€nner der Weltâ, George Bush Junior und Barack Obama. Der Kern ihrer Legitimation fĂŒr
â fast jede seit dem 14. September 2001 angeordnete militĂ€rische Aktion, Operation und Invasion, wie der Eroberung von Afghanistan (2001), Irak (2003), Libyen (2011), Luftangriffen bzw Bodenoperationen z.B. in Somalia, Jemen, Pakistan, Kenia, etc, etc, pp,
â den versuchten Aufbau einer âTotalen Informationskenntnisâ (âTotal Information Awarenessâ) ĂŒber alle Menschen, Gruppen, Strömungen und Organisationen im Macht- bzw Einflussbereich der U.S.A. (also dem, was die Gesellschaft heute als âTotalĂŒberwachungâ versteht),
â die folgende Erschaffung eines informationstechnologischen, Privatleben fressenden Frankensteins, eines weltweit vernetzten Golem der âNationalen Sicherheit AGâ bzw dem âsicherheitsindustriellen Komplexâ, der allein 800.000 Personen (Stand: 2010) Zugang zu âstreng geheimenâ Informationen und damit Zugang zu praktisch allen u.a. aus Telekommunikationssystemen wie dem Internet gesammelten bzw geraubten Daten von BĂŒrgerinnen und BĂŒrgern in ungezĂ€hlten Datenbanken und Tauschbörsen der Spione, MilitĂ€rs und (Geheim)Polizeien und Behörden allein in den U.S.A. gibt, samt einer bis heute nicht verifizierten Zahl assoziierter KrĂ€fte und Stellen, z.B. in der Republik Deutschland,
â die Errichtung des Lagers Guantanamo, sowie einer unbekannten Zahl geheimer Folterkammern und Kerker auf eigenem Territorium, in Besatzungszonen und / oder in kollaborierenden Staaten, in denen Menschen willkĂŒrlich eingesperrt, gequĂ€lt oder ermordet wurden,
sowie weitere offene oder klandestine MaĂnahmen, wie z.B. die âUminterpretationâ von geltendem Recht zu faktischem geheimen Kriegsrecht in ungezĂ€hlten Staaten, ist ein am 14. September 2001 bei alleiniger Gegenstimme von Barbara Lee durch den Kongress gejagter und, zumindest in der Geschichte der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, prĂ€zedenzloser Gesetzestext: die âAuthorization for Use of Military Forceâ.
Hier dessen gerade einmal 60 Worte und keinerlei zeitliche oder rÀumliche EinschrÀnkung enthaltende Wirkungstext, beschlossen am 14.09.2001 von beiden Kammern des Kongresses, ReprÀsentantenhaus und Senat:
(29. August 2014)
Seit Beginn des weltweiten Terrorkrieges in 2001 herrschten in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika zwei Personen als KriegsprĂ€sidenten und âmĂ€chtigste MĂ€nner der Weltâ, George Bush Junior und Barack Obama. Der Kern ihrer Legitimation fĂŒr
â fast jede seit dem 14. September 2001 angeordnete militĂ€rische Aktion, Operation und Invasion, wie der Eroberung von Afghanistan (2001), Irak (2003), Libyen (2011), Luftangriffen bzw Bodenoperationen z.B. in Somalia, Jemen, Pakistan, Kenia, etc, etc, pp,
â den versuchten Aufbau einer âTotalen Informationskenntnisâ (âTotal Information Awarenessâ) ĂŒber alle Menschen, Gruppen, Strömungen und Organisationen im Macht- bzw Einflussbereich der U.S.A. (also dem, was die Gesellschaft heute als âTotalĂŒberwachungâ versteht),
â die folgende Erschaffung eines informationstechnologischen, Privatleben fressenden Frankensteins, eines weltweit vernetzten Golem der âNationalen Sicherheit AGâ bzw dem âsicherheitsindustriellen Komplexâ, der allein 800.000 Personen (Stand: 2010) Zugang zu âstreng geheimenâ Informationen und damit Zugang zu praktisch allen u.a. aus Telekommunikationssystemen wie dem Internet gesammelten bzw geraubten Daten von BĂŒrgerinnen und BĂŒrgern in ungezĂ€hlten Datenbanken und Tauschbörsen der Spione, MilitĂ€rs und (Geheim)Polizeien und Behörden allein in den U.S.A. gibt, samt einer bis heute nicht verifizierten Zahl assoziierter KrĂ€fte und Stellen, z.B. in der Republik Deutschland,
â die Errichtung des Lagers Guantanamo, sowie einer unbekannten Zahl geheimer Folterkammern und Kerker auf eigenem Territorium, in Besatzungszonen und / oder in kollaborierenden Staaten, in denen Menschen willkĂŒrlich eingesperrt, gequĂ€lt oder ermordet wurden,
sowie weitere offene oder klandestine MaĂnahmen, wie z.B. die âUminterpretationâ von geltendem Recht zu faktischem geheimen Kriegsrecht in ungezĂ€hlten Staaten, ist ein am 14. September 2001 bei alleiniger Gegenstimme von Barbara Lee durch den Kongress gejagter und, zumindest in der Geschichte der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika, prĂ€zedenzloser Gesetzestext: die âAuthorization for Use of Military Forceâ.
Hier dessen gerade einmal 60 Worte und keinerlei zeitliche oder rÀumliche EinschrÀnkung enthaltende Wirkungstext, beschlossen am 14.09.2001 von beiden Kammern des Kongresses, ReprÀsentantenhaus und Senat:
(Jan 17, 2014)
By the end of the meeting, it was clear that this was the resolution, a single sentence and 60 words:
That the President is authorized to use all necessary and appropriate force against those nations, organizations, or persons he determines planned, authorized, committed, or aided the terrorist attacks that occurred on September 11, 2001, or harbored such organizations or persons in order to prevent any future acts of international terrorism against the United States by such nations, organizations or persons.
That was it. After more than a day of negotiations between the White House and Congress, Republicans and Democrats, this is what had emerged. Congress could take it or leave it. There would be no going back to the drawing board.
(12. September 2014)
Bereits vor Jahrzehnten entwickelte das MilitĂ€r der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika den Plan ein eigenes ziviles Passagierflugzeug in der Luft gegen eine unbemannte âDroneâ auszutauschen, um diese dann selbst zur Explosion zu bringen und einen Abschuss vorzutĂ€uschen. Ebenso wurde der Plan einer âTerrorkampagneâ in der eigenen Hauptstadt Washington, sowie die Versenkung eines US-Kriegsschiffes autorisiert. Ziel war es, diese VorfĂ€lle einer feindlichen Macht zu unterstellen, vor der Weltöffentlichkeit das Opfer zu spielen und nachfolgend eine Invasion starten zu können.
Jahr der Entwicklung des Plans: 1962. Zielobjekt: Kuba.
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
(19. November 1997)
âWe could blow up a US warship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba,â the memorandum said.
âWe could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington,â it continued. âThe terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated).â
The records show that on March 13, 1962, the Joint Chiefs of Staff endorsed these ideas as âsuitable for planning purposes.â No evidence exists that they were carried out.
(Feb. 24, 2023)
In December 2014, the Obama administration released a 500-page summary of a classified Senate study of the C.I.A.âs so-called black site program. It revealed the agencyâs practice of using ârectal rehydrationâ and ârectal feedingâ to punish prisoners.
At the time, the C.I.A. defended it as a sound medical procedure. The group Physicians for Human Rights then condemned the practice as âsexual assault masquerading as medical treatment.â
But this week the agency declined a request for a comment on the descriptions that were attributed to the C.I.A. in open court. Nor would an agency spokeswoman respond to Dr. Crosbyâs testimony that Mr. Nashiri also told her that he was sodomized with a broom stick while the C.I.A. held him in a cell, nude with his wrists shackled above his head.
(March 13, 1962)
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A „Remember the Maine“ incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow up with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to „evacuate“ remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington.
The terror campaign could be pointed at refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans en route to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement, also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.