(11. August 2018)
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung von Israel und das “Nationalstaatsgesetz” der Regierung Netanyahu in der wörtlichen Gegenüberstellung.
(11. August 2018)
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung von Israel und das “Nationalstaatsgesetz” der Regierung Netanyahu in der wörtlichen Gegenüberstellung.
In 2021, the court outlined very narrow circumstances under which a Basic Law can be annulled. A number of petitions were filed challenging the constitutionality of the Nation State Law. While the court did not strike down the law, Supreme Court President Esther Hayut said that “there is one restriction, exceedingly narrow, which is incumbent on the Knesset in its function as the constituent authority, that it is unable to revoke Israel’s essence as a Jewish and democratic state through a Basic Law.”
The court could strike down a Basic Law if it endangers democratic principles such as those that deal “a mortal blow to free and fair elections, core human rights, the separation of powers, the rule of law, and an independent judiciary,” Hayut said.
(Jan 19, 201)
The left is no longer capable of overcoming the toxic ultra-nationalism that has evolved here, the kind whose European strain almost wiped out a majority of the Jewish people. The interviews Haaretz’s Ravit Hecht held with Smotrich and Zohar (December 3, 2016 and October 28, 2017) should be widely disseminated on all media outlets in Israel and throughout the Jewish world. In both of them we see not just a growing Israeli fascism but racism akin to Nazism in its early stages.
Like every ideology, the Nazi race theory developed over the years.
The judicial overhaul will destroy democracy, the Knesset isn’t authorized to enact such laws, and their important clauses will be struck down by the High Court: Retired justices, former attorneys general and law professors weigh
Pulling from the playbook of the American Legislative Exchange Council — a Koch-backed group that writes model legislation for conservative lawmakers across the U.S. — Kohelet’s founder helped draft the law that became Israel’s Basic Law on the Nation-State in 2018. The controversial policy established Jewish people as having the sole right to self-determination, downgraded Arabic from its status as an official language, and declared the development of Jewish settlement a “national value.” Kohelet also drafted a new law that gives Israel’s Parliament the power to override Supreme Court decisions, grants the government complete control over judicial appointments, and abolishes the courts’ reasonableness doctrine, which was most recently used to disqualify a thrice-convicted criminal and Netanyahu ally from serving as health and interior minister.
Amit knows very well that the principle of equality wasn’t omitted from the law by accident, nor is it just a coincidence that it’s impossible to find a Knesset majority for passing a Basic Law on Equality. He knows that discrimination against Arabs in Israel isn’t just a by-product of the nation-state law but its main purpose – that discrimination is the essence of the law: enshrining Jewish superiority and Arab inferiority.
So why did Amit fake intimacy with Jabareen and inquire about his feelings as if he were a guidance counselor rather than a Supreme Court justice, and as if the only change that had occurred was in the lawyer’s emotions rather than Israel’s Basic Laws?
(11.08.2018)
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung von Israel und das „Nationalstaatsgesetz“ der Regierung Netanyahu in der wörtlichen Gegenüberstellung.
If the High Court does not examine the Jewish nation-state law according to norms external to the Israeli system and in accordance with criteria derived from consensual universal and international norms and values, it will justify the existence of a regime of constitutionally-mandated segregation for every ethnic dominating group trying to grant itself exclusive supremacy in any country, not only the Jewish people in Israel.
It was unclear whether the High Court could ever strike down a quasi-constitutional basic law, he said. In any event, if it were possible, it would need to be a far more extreme law, implying something criminal or actively undermining democracy, he added.
Furthermore, Mandelblit rejected the notion that the coalition was abusing or ignoring the will of the voter by forming coalitions they had vowed not to form.
The nation-state law is the constitutional cornerstone of apartheid. And naturally, Hauser’s arguments also tie into the intent to annex parts of the West Bank in the framework of U.S. President Donald Trump’s peace plan: Israel intends to expand its violations of its residents’ equal rights on an ethnic/racial basis.
It’s turning out much sooner than expected that when parts of Kahol Lavan joined the right-wing government, their merger was an expression of a deep ideological partnership.
What Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wrote on his Facebook page Sunday in response to an Instagram post by actress Rotem Sela constitutes a public admission that, thanks to the Basic Law on Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People, Israel has ceased to be a democracy.
Israel ist nach den Worten von Regierungschef Benjamin Netanjahu „nicht ein Staat aller seiner Bürger“, sondern ausschließlich der Juden. „Gemäß dem von uns verabschiedeten Nationalstaatsgesetz ist Israel der Nationalstaat des jüdischen Volkes – und nur das“, schrieb Netanjahu gestern auf Instagram.
„I am not part of the BDS movement and do not endorse it. Like many Israelis and Jews around the world, I can be critical of of the leadership in Israel without wanting to boycott the entire nation.“ Portman added that she treasures „Israeli friends and family, Israeli food, books, art, cinema and dance.“
She went on to say that Israel „was created exactly 70 years ago as a haven for refugees from the Holocaust. But the mistreatment of those suffering from today‘s atrocities is simply not in line with my Jewish values. Because I care about Israel, I must stand up against violence, corruption, inequality and abuse of power.“
WAFA correspondent said Israeli soldiers fired rubber-coated steel bullets, tear gas canisters, and stun grenades toward the students who rallied in protest of Israel’s Nation-state Law and its planned demolition of Khan al-Ahmar Bedouin community, east of Jerusalem.
There is no limit to his demagoguery. As if this were the story; as if civil rights were conditioned on loyalty tests.
The opposition leaders in general, and Labor chairman Avi Gabbay in particular, repeatedly fall into the traps Netanyahu sets for them, allowing him to dictate the public agenda while they participate in the discourse of incitement. Instead of attacking Netanyahu for the nation-state law, the leader of the opposition finds himself babbling about the right of return, as if this is the most burning issue now.
(2.8.2018)
…
„T H E R E I S H O P E, hopefully“
Am 4. November 1995 wurde auf dem heute nach ihm benannten Rabin Platz der israelische Ministerpräsident Yitzhak Rabin nach dieser Rede von einem faschistischen Attentäter ermordet. Ein halbes Jahr später kam Benjamin Netanyahu an die Macht.
Über 22 Jahre später nun demonstrieren in diesen Minuten Zehntausende in der größten interreligiösen, interethnischen und interkulturellen Demonstration in der Geschichte Israels gegen das von der Regierung Netanyahu in Form eines der israelischen „Grundgesetze“ eingebrachte neue „Nationalstaatsgesetz“, welches unvereinbar ist mit der israelischen Unabhängigkeitserklärung von 1948.
Die Unabhängigkeitserklärung von Israel und das „Nationalstaatsgesetz“ der Regierung Netanyahu in der wörtlichen Gegenüberstellung.
Sehr zum Leidwesen der E.U.-Reichsbürger und ihrer entsprechenden Pendants kann in der Berliner Republik die Verfassung nur durch Zwei-Drittel-Mehrheit in zwei Parlamentskammern (Bundestag und Bundesrat) geändert und nur durch eine Volksabstimmung gestürzt werden.
Im Gegensatz dazu werden Israels „Grundgesetze“ lediglich in einer einzigen Parlamentskammer (der Knesset) mit absoluter Mehrheit beschlossen, wie alle anderen Gesetze. Inwieweit sich der Status der „Grundgesetze“, die irgendwann einmal eine Verfassung bilden sollen, überhaupt von allen anderen Gesetzen unterscheidet, ist in Israel bis heute umstritten.
The demonstration called for Saturday night in Tel Aviv’s Rabin Square by the Higher Arab Monitoring Committee, which represents Israel’s Arab community, is the most important of all the protests that have taken place against the nation-state law. It’s also one of the most important demonstrations in Israel in the past several years.
No minority in Israel suffers as much discrimination as the Arab minority, which is also Israel’s largest minority. It is frequently the target of normalized, institutionalized racism.
In her speech, Livni railed against the right-wing government, called for early elections and said the opposition would pass the Declaration of Independence as a basic law in lieu of the nation-state law passed by the right-wing coalition on July 19.
(4.8.2018)
“Young people had hopes of being integrated, but they were cold-shouldered by the state. Now, if a continuing effort is made to push us Arabs into a corner, we will be close – heaven forbid – to a confrontation between Arabs and Jews. And now it’s not a small minority: The Arabs constitute 22 percent of the country.”
What will a confrontation like that look like?
“The Arab MKs will resign. The heads of the Arab local councils will go the headquarters of the Union of Local Authorities in Tel Aviv and give back the keys, and a civil revolt will gradually develop. I pray and hope that I am wrong, but there will be chaos and violence here. I heard that my resignation was reported on the BBC. Do you realize what will happen if all the Arab MKs resign?”
(19.7.2018)