n 1946, after the war ended, the Supreme Court ruled in Duncan v. Kahanamoku that the statute authorizing martial law in Hawaii did not enable military trials of civilians, and it warned against the “subordination of executive, legislative and judicial authorities to complete military rule”—but it offered no further guidance about the circumstances that would justify a declaration of martial law, or about the consequences of such a declaration. Nor has Congress ever tried to clarify the criteria for or limits of martial law.
The Supreme Court has not squarely addressed the limits of signing statements.
The government is doing all it can to fight the coronavirus, while the premier moves to demolish Israel’s democracy. Only if the center-left parties are in the coalition will they be able to contain Netanyahu
Note also how at the bottom they go from 1,344,469 vote totals to 1,072,844. Which is obviously not possible. @MichiganDems you’ve been exposed.
The combined result is a divergence in the life expectancy of white college graduates and non-graduates. Overall mortality for whites between the ages of 45 and 54 has held roughly steady in the last 25 years. But that average hides a big increase in death rates for non-graduates and a big decline for graduates.
Benjamin Netanyahu’s Likud party is projected to win a narrow lead over Benny Gantz’s Kahol Lavan in next week’s Israel election, according to two polls published Sunday by Channel 12 and Kan public broadcaster.
Whether it winds up being Buttigieg, Bloomberg, or one of their ideological alt-centrist clones like Amy Klobuchar or the floundering Joe Biden, the mainstream narrative will soon converge around one candidate in a very positive way, with the only important qualification being that they aren’t Bernie Sanders. Many powerful people will do everything they can to prevent a Sanders nomination, whose presidency they oppose more than Trump’s. As journalist Matt Taibbi recently pointed out, the Democratic establishment has “every incentive to play every conceivable card. Trillions at stake.”
Such votes are rare in part because, for the past two decades, presidents have relied on the 2001 Authorization for Use of Military Force (AUMF), which Congress passed after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. But nearly 20 years later, presidents increasingly must resort to contorted interpretations of the law to argue that it covers new conflicts. That may be leading lawmakers to turn to the War Powers Act, because they are reluctant to rewrite the AUMF.
They are SO inept.
The U.S. government of Donald Trump just carried out airstrikes in three countries. And literally everybody is sitting on his / her ass and shuts his / her mouth hole.
Thereby some remarks:
Morality, fairness, truth, honesty – concepts that form the relationship between the people and a country’s leader – we wrinkled and crushed them when we gave up the only power that the public has against corrupt leadership, the power to say: “Enough already,” without waiting for another and then yet another election.
We have allowed the suspect to insult and abuse the same legal and judicial systems that we are all respectfully subject to. We have treated Netanyahu as if he were the village idiot who can do anything he wants.
Senator Dianne Feinstein, the Democratic committee chairwoman, was wavering about making the report public, mulling an Obama administration suggestion that the release be postponed indefinitely. It seemed possible that the report, the product of more than six years of painstaking research, might never reach the American public.
First, and perhaps the most fascinating mystery, is the near-total erasure of the Vietnam era,
and its vociferous doctrinal and policy debates, from the War on Terror international legal debate. The more one reads, the stranger it becomes—particularly once the invasion of Cambodia becomes publicly known in 1970, and the U.S. Department of State justifies the intervention in international legal terms. The doctrinal debate is eerily similar to those underlying key controversies between 2009 and 2018. The underlying law is, in many respects, largely the same. The contours of the international legal questions and their purported implications for the future disclose remarkable similarities. And yet, with the exception of that single footnote in the Al Aulaqi memorandum, there is almost no reference to the raging scholarly discourse that occurred barely two generations earlier. This would perhaps be understandable if I had gone deep into the national archives of, say, Bangladesh, and had found obscure texts that had never been published in English, or had never been made available in libraries or on the internet. But we are talking more or less about similar substantive debates occurring in similar journals by scholars contending with the same government offices. And it all just disappeared. Why?7
As a young Israeli studying abroad, I recently came home for a visit eager to discuss the upcoming elections with family and friends – but found an atmosphere of utter apathy. So I decided to go find people who were actually getting involved, and that’s how I ended up meeting Elisheva and her fellow protestors.
His victory hangs on the fates of racist Otzma and leftist Labor – and on right-wingers coming out in droves while leftists go to the beach
Many of the burning issues that are facing Israel barely got a look-in during the election campaign that’s mercifully drawing to a close: the ballooning deficit, the rising housing prices, the climbing cost of living, the burning need to integrate the ultra-Orthodox and Arab communities into the job market, to name just a few. And then of course, the lack of any prospect for a resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and an end to the occupation got nary a mention, but you knew that already because you’ve been paying attention and that has become a cliché.
Lyrics & performance: Tamer Nafar
Script: Tamer Nafar & Udi Aloni
Special Guest Appearance: Lamis Ammar
Producers: Reut Mor, Udi Aloni, Tamer Nafar
Director and Editor: Eliav Lilti
Line Producer: Ruty Klein
In purely numerical terms, Israeli Arabs make up enough of the electorate — about 17 percent, equivalent to slightly more than 20 seats in the 120-seat Knesset — that if they turn out en masse this year, their vote could push Gantz’s presumed bloc over the top on April 9. On the other hand, if they sit out the election in larger than usual numbers, it’s likely to be the right-wing bloc led by Netanyahu that will benefit.
Germany once greeted the extreme right with apathy and scorn. We’ve accepted ours with apathy and silence – a troublesome silence that makes a statement